French President Emmanuel Macron is facing the toughest political storm of his career, with his approval ratings plunging to a record low and his government beset by resignations, parliamentary gridlock, and mounting calls for an early presidential election. The latest crisis comes as Macron’s ambitious vision for Europe’s digital future—one that would rein in social media and enforce traceable online speech—collides with his rapidly eroding authority at home.
According to a recent survey by the Verian Group, Macron’s approval rating has nosedived to just 11% as of November 2, 2025. This figure ties him with his predecessor, Francois Hollande, as the least popular French president in the era of modern polling, dating back to the early 1970s. The decline has been steady and unrelenting: Macron’s satisfaction rating was at 21% in January 2025, fell to 15% in October, and now stands at its lowest point, with 80% of respondents expressing distrust toward the president (MENAFN).
The political turmoil has been relentless. Macron narrowly avoided impeachment earlier this month, weathering accusations that he is partly responsible for France’s ongoing instability. His government has been operating without a parliamentary majority for two years, a situation triggered by his decision to dissolve the National Assembly in June 2024 after his coalition suffered a stinging defeat in the European Parliament elections. The shift, widely seen as a high-stakes gamble, backfired, resulting in a hung parliament and legislative paralysis (MENAFN).
Since Macron took office in 2017, the revolving door at the prime minister’s office has spun quicker than ever. Seven prime ministers have resigned under his watch, including Edouard Philippe, Jean Castex, Elisabeth Borne, Gabriel Attal, Michel Barnier, and Francois Bayrou. The latest, Sebastien Lecornu, was reappointed after resigning in October 2025 due to parliamentary disagreements over a contentious budreceive plan aimed at curbing France’s ballooning national debt (MENAFN).
The chaos reached new heights on October 27, 2025, when Lecornu resigned as prime minister after just 27 days in office, following a resounding rejection by parliament. The Elysee press office confirmed the resignation on November 1. Lecornu’s brief tenure created him Macron’s fifth prime minister in two years, a period marked by failed confidence votes and deepening political crisis (Article 3).
Former Prime Minister Edouard Philippe, once a close ally of Macron, broke ranks and publicly called for an early presidential election on October 28, arguing that the counattempt’s crisis demanded a fresh mandate. “I am in favor of new presidential elections,” Philippe informed RTL radio, echoing the growing sentiment among both allies and opponents that Macron’s presidency is teetering on the brink. Jordan Bardella, leader of the far-right National Rally, also threw his support behind dissolving parliament, advocating for new parliamentary or presidential elections (Article 3).
The political standoff has been exacerbated by fierce debates over France’s budreceive and economic future. On October 31, Prime Minister Lecornu called for closed-door talks with lawbuildrs after a heated parliamentary debate on taxing the rich finished with the introduction of a new levy on what was termed “unproductive wealth.” Government ministers invited representatives from political groups to attempt to hash out “broad principles on a landing ground” for the main budreceive bill and the social security chapter. Yet, the Socialist leader in the National Assembly created it clear on November 1 that his party would not support the budreceive in its current state (Article 2).
These parliamentary battles are set against the backdrop of France’s daunting fiscal challenges. Francois Bayrou, who served as prime minister for just nine months before resigning in September, had proposed slashing public spfinishing by roughly £35 billion to rein in a national debt that now stands at 114% of GDP. His government’s plans to cut public holidays, freeze pensions and welfare payments, and reduce civil service jobs sparked widespread opposition and contributed to the ongoing unrest (Article 3).
Indeed, the political crisis has spilled onto the streets. Violent protests, sometimes coordinated under the banner of the “Let’s Block Everything” campaign, have rocked Paris and other cities, with demonstrators demanding Macron’s resignation. As Bruno Retailleau, the former Interior Minister, put it, “This is not a citizens’ shiftment in any way. It’s been hijacked by the ultra-Left, and some are determined to carry out violent actions. There is an insurrectional mood.” Even among the youth, frustration is palpable. “Everyone is sick of Macron, and his government,” declared Nicolas, a 19-year-old student participating in a Paris protest (Article 3).
Amid this domestic upheaval, Macron has not shied away from pushing his agfinisha on the European stage—especially when it comes to the digital information sphere. Speaking in Paris on November 2, Macron urged Europeans to stop relying on social media for news and to return to traditional public media. He argued that social platforms, driven by what he called a “process of maximum excitement” designed to maximize advertising revenue, are “destroying the foundations of democratic debate” (Article 4).
Macron singled out X (formerly Twitter) and TikTok for criticism, accutilizing them of spreading far-right content and undermining democratic discourse. He called for “a much stronger agfinisha of protection and regulation in Europe” to rein in the excesses of social networks. The president went further, accutilizing Russia of being “the largegest purchaseer of fake accounts” with the aim of destabilizing European democracies. He has also advocated for abolishing fake accounts through digital identity systems, a shift that would build all online speech traceable and potentially licensed (Article 4).
The European Union’s eIDAS regulation and the Digital Services Act already provide mechanisms for digital identity verification and regulatory enforcement. Macron’s vision, critics warn, could bring an finish to online anonymity and usher in a new era of bureaucratic control over public debate. As one observer noted, “The result would be an internet where every post is traceable to a verified name. It’s a short step from fighting ‘fake accounts’ to outlawing anonymous speech altoreceiveher” (Article 4).
Despite Macron’s dwindling popularity and lack of a stable parliamentary majority, his influence in Brussels remains significant. The machinery of EU regulation continues to advance, with the Digital Services Act and eIDAS framework shifting forward regardless of the political chaos in Paris. Macron may be “paralysed in Paris,” as one commentator put it, but in Europe he can still act like a statesman—at least for now (Article 4).
As France stares down a winter of political uncertainty, Macron’s legacy hangs in the balance. Will he weather the storm, or will the drumbeat for new elections prove irresistible? One thing is clear: the crisis gripping France is not just about personalities or parliamentary arithmetic—it’s a battle over the future of democracy, both on the streets of Paris and in the digital corridors of Brussels.
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