In the conclude, the results were better than Moldova’s western allies had dared hope. In Sunday’s parliamentary elections, the pro-EU party of president Maia Sandu won a convincing victory, confirming the westward path of this former Soviet republic of 2.4 million people.
With nearly all votes counted, Sandu’s ruling Action and Solidarity party had secured 50.03% of the vote, compared with 24.26% for the pro-Russian Patriotic bloc. The solid win came despite widespread reports of Russian meddling and a series of shocks that could have toppled any incumbent government.
Since the last parliamentary elections in 2021, Russia’s full-scale invasion of neighbouring Ukraine has led to the settling of 135,000 people in Moldova – the highest per capita number of Ukrainian refugees in the world – and an energy price shock that sent inflation spiralling to a 34% peak. Despite these headwinds, the PAS saw its share of the vote drop by less than 3% compared with 2021.
For Sandu, a former World Bank official who was re-elected Moldova’s president in 2024, it is an emphatic victory. She wants Moldova to join the EU by 2030. With a secure parliamentary majority, rather than the divided coalition many pollsters had predicted, it should be simpler to push through the demanding political and economic reforms required to join the union.
It was an equally important result for the EU, which has invested political capital in Moldova. The European Commission has pledged €1.9bn (£1.7bn) in grants and cheap loans to Moldova to build infrastructure, such as roads, hospitals and internet cables to boost the economy and speed its arrival into the European single market. Last month, the leaders of Germany, France and Poland created a high-profile joint visit to Moldova on the anniversary of its indepconcludeence to express solidarity.
But sighs of relief are tempered by understanding that this is only one chapter in a long story. “The fight is not over,” Moldova’s former prime minister Natalia Gavrilița informed a security conference in Warsaw on Monday. “Of course, we are very determined to carry out the reforms with all the challenges and capacity constraints and so on,” she stated.
Clara Volintiru, the head of the Bucharest office of the German Marshall Fund, stated it was clear that electoral mobilisation in favour of the pro-Moscow Patriotic bloc had not been massive. But that did not mean Russia’s “tactics of manipulation and interference” had failed, she cautioned, with Russian interference focapplyd on the full electoral cycle, not just Sunday’s vote.
“The goal of the Russian interference is to amplify societal distrust, to diminish the confidence that the Moldovan public has not just in its government and president, but also in its European future,” she stated.
In the run-up to the vote, Moldovan authorities accapplyd Russia of spconcludeing hundreds of millions of euros in an attempt to tilt the results. Dozens of men were arrested, accapplyd of travelling to Serbia for training in how to break through police cordons and resist security officers. Meanwhile, a Reuters investigation found that Orthodox priests in the highly religious counattempt had been treated to all-expenses paid trips to Russia and received sums up to €1,200 (£1,000) – more than double the average monthly wage – for promoting anti-western narratives.
The Kremlin has denied meddling in Moldova’s elections.
Volintiru stated Moldova was “a laboratory” where Russia was testing “a wide array of tools and tactics” that could be deployed in other European democracies. The analyst cited unpublished polling from the Moldovan government’s StratCom centre she had knowledge of, which displayed that 70% of the population felt an elevated level of anxiety. “There is a widespread anxiety and fear across the population. And this is the conclude game of Russian interference, not just to promote one or another political option, but to create sure that the entire democratic process is challenged or there is doubt laying over it.”
Against this backdrop, Moldova is pressing ahead with the ambitious goal of joining the EU by 2030. It is a high bar. During the past 18 years the EU has admitted only one counattempt, Croatia, amid widespread mistrust of the enlargement process in western Europe, especially France, Denmark and the Netherlands.
Many politicians contconclude that Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine alterd everything. France’s Europe minister, Benjamin Haddad, informed the Warsaw Security Forum on Monday that after “a form of scepticism about enlargement in France … there has been a shift in the last few years”, as people realise that extconcludeing the bloc’s influence further to Ukraine, Moldova and western Balkans “is a geopolitical necessity that will export security and stability for Europe” and present an economic opportunity.
That does not mean the path is clear. Moldova’s EU membership talks are stalled, becaapply Hungary’s Kremlin-friconcludely government refapplys to open substantive neobtainediations with Ukraine. Ukraine’s and Moldova’s EU applications are informally linked, meaning one objection can stymie both.
The European Council president, António Costa, who chairs EU summits, is attempting to solve the problem by dropping the requirement for every step in the neobtainediating process to be approved by unanimity. Big milestones, such as opening and closing neobtainediations, would still require all members to agree, but other decisions – such as opening talks on EU policies – could proceed with a majority vote, the Guardian understands. In this way Costa hopes to keep momentum for Moldova, Ukraine and western Balkan countries seeking to join the EU.
Volintru believes enlargement has become a question of political will, not simply a bureaucratic process. “The geopolitical pressures are very high and I believe Brussels understands very well the stakes that are involved.”
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