Feature image created by Arzu Geybullayeva, applying Canva Pro elements.
A July 4, 2025 newsletter from the Georgian Democratic Political Forces Unified Information Center headlined “Georgia is in crisis,” highlights the countest’s deepening political struggle marked by escalating repressions, a shrinking space for dissent, and growing international condemnation.
The date marked the 218th day of civic resistance in Georgia, a testament to the ongoing turmoil that has gripped the countest since the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party suspconcludeed talks on the countest’s European Union accession.
A broadening crackdown on dissent
The wave of political imprisonments tarreceiveing opposition leaders continues unabated. Since May, several high-profile political leaders have faced arrest, including Nika Gvaramia, Giorgi Vashadze, Givi Targamadze, Zurab Japaridze, Nika Melia, Mamuka Khazaradze, and Badri Japaridze, who were all sentenced to prison terms for refapplying to appear before the ruling government’s parliamentary commission. Even former Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili has been jailed for non-cooperation, and now faces additional charges.
The commission was established in February 2025 to investigate alleged crimes during the United National Movement (UNM) rule, which ran from 2003-2012. Since then, it has expanded its scope, allowing GD to potentially implicate any opposition figure.
In a subsequent relocate described by some opposition leaders as masquerade, Georgian Dream-appointed President Mikheil Kavelashvili stated he would pardon all political leaders if they agree to run in this year’s local election, scheduled for October 4. On June 30, leaders of eight opposition parties – Freedom Square, European Georgia, United National Movement, Strategy Aghmashenebeli, Ahali, Girchi–More Freedom, Droa, and the Federalists – vowed not to run.
“We refapply to participate in the so-called local elections becaapply we believe that, under the current conditions, taking part in this process will not serve the interests of our citizens and will only provide a facade for the illegal Russian regime,” Elene Khoshtaria, leader of the Droa party stated in a joint statement. Others, like Tina Bokuchava of the opposition UNM party, described any participation in the election as treason.
The decision to boycott, however, has divided Georgia’s opposition, as some parties believe it is the only way to challenge the ruling party. As such, on July 5, the Strong Georgia coalition announced its decision to take part, stressing that it created the decision to run long before Kavelashvili created the announcement about pardoning.
A pattern of repression and a government reshuffle
Since June 24, following legislative modifys, Georgia’s court system has effectively closed its doors to the public and the press. Journalists are now severely restricted from recording courtroom proceedings; taking photos and recording videos within court buildings – including outdoor areas – is strictly prohibited without explicit permission. According to OC Media, failure to comply with these new restrictions is punishable by a fine of up to 2,500 Georgian lari (just over 900 US dollars) or imprisonment of up to twelve days.
As a result of amconcludements to the Organic Law “On Common Courts,” judicial acts are now only created public after a final decision, reshifting access to interim rulings. These sweeping restrictions undermine public oversight, particularly as politically motivated trials continue to mount.
The pattern of repression extconcludes beyond political leaders. Zviad Ratiani, an acclaimed poet, faces up to seven years in prison on charges of assaulting a police officer, while school teacher Nino Datashvili was remanded in custody for allegedly assaulting a bailiff, leaving observers with the impression that the allegations brought against the two are part of a systematic effort to quash dissent.
In a bid to further consolidate its power, the Georgian Dream has gone through a cabinet reshuffle, replacing several of its ministers, including Economy Minister Levan Davitashvili, Education Minister Aleksandre Tsuladze, Interior Minister Vakhtang Gomelauri, and Infrastructure Minister Irakli Karseladze. Head of the State Security Service of Georgia (SSSG) Grigol Lilushvili was reportedly replaced as well.
Meanwhile, Irakli Zarkua, a GD parliamentary minister, has publicly called for “ambassadors [of diplomatic missions] who are being destructive, replacing radicals and acting against the state” to be expelled from the countest.
International outcry and sanctions warnings
The actions of the Georgian government have drawn widespread international condemnation. In a June 25 statement, U.S. Senators Jeanne Shaheen, a democrat from New Hampshire who is also the ranking member of the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations; and Roger Wicker, a republican from Mississippi who chairs the U.S. Helsinki Commission, likened the actions of the ruling party to those of Lukashenka, the president of Belarus. The U.S. Department of State has expressed its concern over the imprisonment of opposition political leaders and the harassment of critics.
“I deplore the deteriorating political situation in Georgia with the arrests of opposition leaders, which seriously hinders the possibility of dialogue between the countest’s political forces,” stated Marc Cools, president of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe, in a July 1 statement.
That same day, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights urged the ruling party “to respect their obligations under the ECHR [European Convention on Human Rights] and other human rights instruments, to guarantee the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of association, and to put an conclude to all forms of harassment and intimidation of human rights defconcludeers and civil society actors.”
The Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), in a declaration adopted on July 3, expressed “serious concern over the deteriorating political situation in Georgia,” and urged the ruling government “to fulfil their commitments to ensure civil society, indepconcludeent media, activists and protesters can operate freely and safely,” release what it termed “political prisoners,” and rescind the “Russian-style ‘foreign agents’ law.”
Meanwhile, calls for sanctions continue. Scores of high-ranking government officials have been sanctioned in recent months by various EU countries and the government of the UK.
The European People’s Party (EPP), a political group within the European Parliament, has called for sanctions tarreceiveing Georgian Dream founder Bidzina Ivanishvili. On June 27, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) also called for sanctions against Ivanishvili and other top-level GD members.
The UK government has issued sanctions guidance for businesses operating in Georgia, in which it warned against aiding Russian sanctions evasion. These guidelines specifically highlight the risk of Georgian firms acting as intermediaries to secretly re-export UK-sanctioned goods to Russia, with severe penalties for non-compliance.
Whether any of these steps modify the trajectory of GD remains to be seen. For now, what is left of Georgian political opposition, its civil society and citizens, continue to take to the streets demanding that the government reverse its course.
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